Tertullian: A Theological Analysis
Introduction
Tertullian
is a fascinating character of history. The writings he has left have been
impactful and theologically relevant throughout time. The goal is to understand
him as a theologian and to ascertain if his love of Montanism spurred
theological changes and what that meant for his “orthodoxy.”[1]
Obviously, orthodoxy was something that had yet to be nailed down precisely at
this point in the Church’s development. However, this did not stop the early
Church Fathers from arguing against and declaring some teachings as heretical.
It is against this backdrop where this study finds itself. At bottom, the
essential conclusion is to find if Tertullian’s “ecstatic” shift affected his
fundamental beliefs to the point where he would be deemed a heretic.
Montanism
is what drew Tertullian. The reasons for this are speculated constantly in the
literature. With that said, how did the teachings of “The New Prophecy” change
or manipulate the strong and vocal defender of catholic faith, Tertullian?[2] It
is this question that is of importance here and this paper will seek to survey
the scholarly literature as well as Tertullian’s writings on the matter. This
endeavor will consist of a theological evaluation of pre- and post-Montanist
writings from Tertullian. The primary focus will be on Tertullian, but some
cursory remarks will be covered about Montanism, this will allow a proper
background for the reader to better understand the theological landscape in
which Tertullian was writing.
The
Consistent Themes of Tertullian
Prior
to embarking on any discussion of theological thoughts, one must understand
Tertullian before he made any religious decisions. Tertullian was not born a
Christian nor did he grow up in a Christian household. In fact, he grew up in a
pagan home and received a classical pagan education.[3]
Tertullian had a “keen” intellect and was quite skilled at rhetoric.[4]
What is interesting about Tertullian is though he was very intelligent, he
found himself far more concerned with the practical matters of life.[5]
Not only did he desire to find answers and to defend the faith against
heretics, he also wanted to ground the faith in something useful (more on this
point below).
From
the very beginning of Tertullian making the philosophical and religious shift
to Christian belief, he has held that the holy Scriptures are authoritative
over life. This high view of Scripture comes from his idea that they are the
“voice of the Holy Spirit.”[6]
When evaluating the writing of Tertullian, this is a theme that the researcher
will find throughout his works. This is true for both his pre-Montanist period
and post-Montanist conversion. This is an important point to notice when trying
to figure out if there were any significant theological changes in Tertullian’s
thinking or theology. As noted above, this is more about discovering whether or
not Tertullian had a major break from what could be considered “orthodoxy” for
the time or if the changes experienced in his day were akin to a modern-day
denominational shift.
The
regula fidei is another feature within Tertullian’s works. This is a
fundamental aspect to determine between false teachers and those who are of the
natural flock of God. This “rule of faith” would be based or is the equivalent to
what scholars today call creeds.[7]
Neufeld offers some insights of the functions of homologia (could be viewed
as pre-creeds or the seeds of the written creeds) which point to the grounding
aspects in the life of the early Church. Neufeld notes that it was used in
confirming faith in early believers and was commonly used in a baptistic
setting.[8]
This early form of creeds (again, pre-creed) was also used to refute heresy or
confirm apostolic teachings.[9] Tertullian’s
use of this rule of faith shows his intention to stay connected to the apostles
and thereby unified to what the Church has intended to teach from the
beginning. This feature, much like the authority of Scripture, can be found
throughout his writings both before and after his conversion to Montanism. Understanding
Tertullian and his intentions of maintaining a nearness with the apostles and
with Christ can help understand his shift in thinking and his desire to uphold
certain particulars.
Tertullian
does seem to be concerned (as stated above) with a certain particular,
Christian holiness. Christian holiness is the idea that each Christian has an
obligation to uphold the moral standards of what it means to be Christian. It
is not that Tertullian believes (strictly speaking) that salvation depends
solely on a person’s holiness or works. But he does seem to think that living a
carnal, yet professing Christian life is not a feasible option.[10] This
point does seem to be incredibly important as progressing through an
understanding of Tertullian and what he finds important to the Christian life.
Not only does holiness play an important role in the perception of the
Christian to the pagan world but it is also a physical representation of Christ
(who is no longer physically present) to unbelievers. Holiness is a feature of
the intentional indwelling of the Holy Spirit and is directly linked to
Tertullian’s pneumatology. If the Christian is to live by the spirit, then the
obvious results of this should be holiness.
Prior
to Tertullian’s “conversion” to Montanism, he had an interesting and somewhat
unclear pneumatology. This is not to say that it was non-existent or that he
was heretical but rather he had his certain position taken from various
resources. At base, Tertullian’s pneumatology appears to be based heavily on
Pauline writing.[11]
Wilhite suggests that in both Tertullian’s early and later works he exhibits
both a binitarian and trinitarian flavor. These flavors depend heavily on the
context of the conversation. Tertullian uses Paul to discover the distinction
between the flesh and the spirit. Interestingly, though he uses Pauline thought
in formulating the basic structure of his theology, he tends to use Johannine
language in expressing this theology.[12]
Tertullian takes a preference to referring to the Spirit of God as the
Paraclete (from John), this is both in his early and later writings. The
distinction in the use of the word spiritus makes for dynamics in
Tertullian’s expression of the unity in the Godhead. At some points in his
writing, he seems to be binitarian (spiritus equals impersonal force) and
trinitarian (spiritus equals a personal and distinct person).[13]
Functionally, this shows that Tertullian had at the very least, thought deeply
about his pneumatology in his early years, even if it is not developed with the
amount of academic rigor one would expect from a modern academic.
Christian
holiness (as mentioned above) is something that is important to Tertullian.
Holiness is connected to repentance because it is through individual repentance
that we intend to grow in holiness. When the sinner repents (turns away) from
the sin they have been committing or committed, they are choosing to live holy
and there is a depth of meaning in this turning away. Tertullian holds a
vehement view of those who seek to circumvent or to shame this aspect of
Christian faith. This is another area that has continuity in the writings of
Tertullian. For example,
But if they acted as men who had
any part in God, and thereby in reason also, they would first weigh well the
importance of repentance, and would never apply it in such a way as to make it
a ground for convicting themselves of perverse self-amendment. In short, they
would regulate the limit of their repentance, because they would reach (a
limit) in sinning too—by fearing God, I mean. But where there is no fear, in
like manner there is no amendment; where there is no amendment, repentance is
of necessity vain, for it lacks the fruit for which God sowed it; that is,
man’s salvation.[14]
Tertullian is writing about how
repentance has almost been highjacked in the name of sin. He is highly
concerned for the practical matters of individuals living within the Church and
doing so by living in sin. This issue is so deep there is almost an immediate
concern for the salvation of the person. For the purposes of this writing, this
particular treatise was written prior to Tertullian’s conversion to Montanism
(again, if this indeed happened). Compare the above text to a passage from a
later work,
Such and so
great futilities of theirs wherewith they flatter God and pander to themselves,
effeminating rather than invigorating discipline, with how cogent and contrary
(arguments) are we for our part able to rebut,--(arguments) which set before us
warningly the “severity” of God, and provoke our own constancy? Because, albeit
God is by nature good, still He is “just” too.[15]
After reviewing both of these
selections, it is easy to see that there is a consistency for Tertullian and
Christian holiness. Tertullian indicates that this is not just an individual issue,
but it strikes at the heart of who God is by his very nature. The above
selection is from On Modesty which was written after his conversion to
Montanism.[16]
Montanism prided itself on its stricter moral code. Discipline was a key
feature for this movement which could be indicative as to why Tertullian was
later drawn towards it. “Now ‘discipline was the key to the significance of the
New Prophecy; that was what the Paraclete brought fresh to the Church, together
with a right understanding of the Scriptures.”[17]
What Trevett points out here is telling, the New Prophecy (i.e., Montanism) had
a strict moral code and adhering to this code was by the enabling of the Holy
Spirit. Expansion of the function of the Paraclete will be developed below.
Themes
of Departure in Tertullian
The
first section looked at what Tertullian thought throughout time. These are the
things which he consistently taught in his writings and did not change much or
drastically throughout his life. This section will seek to find any departures
of teaching. The things that may have changed or morphed over the course of his
life in such a way as to constitute a new view. By no means is this an easy
feat because Tertullian tends to use hyperbole and ironic language to convey a
teaching. Tertullian’s thought can get lost in his use of rhetoric to the point
of potentially misunderstanding what he believes and the points he may be
trying to make.
From
the beginning, Tertullian could be seen as an avid supporter of the power of
the Church. There were stipulations to what constituted a church or the Church.
For example, each Church needed to have some connection to apostolic roots, be
that in their own area or by being connected to a church with apostolic roots
(Achaia has Corinth, Macedonia has Philippi).[18]
Tertullian staunchly defended the Church against attack in his Apologeticum
which is where he listed some of the basic functions of the Church. The Church
has a common religious profession, unity in discipline, common hope, united
prayer, and helps the poor and orphaned.[19]
The Church also had Christ at the center, has apostolic origin, and strongly
adheres to the teachings of the apostles and Scripture. The Spirit is strongly
connected to his view of the Church because it is based on apostolicity and
Scripture, for Tertullian the scriptures are the voice of the Spirit. However,
over time his view slowly changed. This change probably has several motivating
factors but suffice it to say at this point, Tertullian’s shifting view of the
Holy Spirit is of primary importance here. As mentioned above, Tertullian’s
concern with Christian holiness and the laxity within the Church would have
been motivating factors for calling into question the authority of the Church.
The
work that highlights Tertullian’s ecclesiology is his later writing De
Puditicia (On Modesty). The Church has the role of discipline (similar to
his earlier writings). The Church are sheep, with Christ as the shepherd,
focuses on sound interpretation of Scripture, and the Spirit is the main stay
indicator of it. Tertullian states,
For the
very Church itself is, properly and principally, the Spirit Himself, in whom is
the Trinity of the One Divinity—Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. (The Spirit)
combines that Church which the Lord has made to consist in ‘three.’ And thus,
from that time forward, every number (of persons) who may have combined
together into this faith is accounted ‘a Church,’ from the Author and
Consecrator (of the Church). And accordingly ‘the Church,’ it is true, will
forgive sins: but (it will be) the Church of the Spirit, by means of a
spiritual man; not the Church which consists of a number of bishops. For the
right and arbitrament is the Lord’s, not the servants; God Himself, not the
priest’s.[20]
This selection deals with a concern
of Tertullian about the Church forgiving those who commit egregious sins. It is
a telling passage of where he stands as far as the power of the Church and
where the Church was going during his time. When looking at this, one can see
how he pushes the focus back towards the Spirit and Christ/ God as the central
aspects of the Church. Of course, he openly admits that the Church has the
power to forgive sins, but it is through the power of God (there are other
factors in his thinking here). Speaking anachronistically, it appears the
spirit of the protestant reformers emerged backwards in time here. This is not
to say that Tertullian is a protestant, but he stated in a preemptive fashion
what is to come.
Another
passage that shows Tertullian’s thinking with where the power for forgiving
sins comes from is found in the same writing as above but just a couple
paragraphs later, he writes,
Let it
suffice to the martyr to have purged his own sins: it is the part of
ingratitude or of pride to lavish upon others also what one has obtained at a
high price. Who has redeemed another’s death by his own, but the Son of God
alone? For even in His very passion He set the robber free. For to this end had
He come, that, being Himself pure from sin, and in all respects holy, He might
undergo death on behalf of sinners. Similarly, you who emulate Him in condoning
sins, if you yourself have done no sin, plainly suffer in my stead. If,
however, you are a sinner, how will the oil of your puny torch be able to
suffice for you and for me?...If the Lord set so much store by the proof of His
power as to reveal thoughts, and so impart health by His command, lest He
should not be believed to have the power of remitting sins; it is not lawful
for me to believe the same power (to reside) in anyone, whoever he be, without
the same proofs.[21]
Tertullian is striking straight to
the heart of the problem he saw in the Church, forgiveness of sins can only be
found in Christ alone, through his power alone because all others are
imperfection. He was making a strong theological point because he desired to
see the Church possess the mind of Christ. Interestingly, Tertullian in his
earlier thought did not have much to say about the Spirit within the structure
of the Church.[22]
This can mean that he did not see the Spirit at all in the structure or that he
simply did not seek to clarify his thoughts on the matter. In either case,
Tertullian does appear to believe that there is a universal priesthood of all believers,
and that the Edict (mentioned above) was an ecclesiastical overreach by the
bishop he was writing about. However, later, Tertullian does add more to the
function of the Spirit within the Church. He does state that in his local Church
some women would have prophetic visions and they would wait until after the
service to hear and test these visions. It was tested against Scripture and the
power of the Spirit, which is central in Montanist thinking. This clarification
in the role of the Spirit does seem to be a change but due to the lack of
specific writing by Tertullian in his earlier years.
When
thinking about Tertullian’s ecclesiology, it would be difficult not to mention
his extensive use of imagery. Each image used by Tertullian explains, in some
sense, different aspects of the Church or how he views certain functions of the
Church or how it fits within theology (as he understood it). This should not
confuse readers into thinking that there is always some deeper meaning behind
every image. However, there is some significance in the specific images used.
Examples of images used by Tertullian in describing the Church are: Noah’s Ark,
the Ark of the Covenant, a coffer/ chest, ship, Spirit, Christ, Body, Mother,
school, sect, bride, virgin, and Trinity.[23]
Prominent
in Tertullian’s ecclesiology is the view of the Church as the body of Christ.
This is significant because the Church can be seen as taking part in or as an
“extension” of the incarnation and that it is the continued representation of
Christ on earth (until his return).[24]
Tertullian has a high view of the Church and makes that clear by speaking of
the Church in these terms. This can also be seen as a motivating factor in
fighting against the laxity of the Church leadership. Having this image in mind
points to why Tertullian often states that salvation is not found outside of
the Church. The Church is not the path to salvation per se but is where
salvation is effective. This is made more clear when one thinks about
(referenced above) when Tertullian writes that only God has the power to
forgive sins. If only God can forgive sins and there is no salvation outside of
the Church, this must mean that God, through Christ, is found within the
apostolic Christian Church.
The
above is not necessarily a deviation in teaching from Tertullian’s earlier
works but is more of an evolution. He thinks of the Church as “properly and
principally the Spirit.”[25]
Where Tertullian would strictly seek apostolic succession in finding a
fundamental church, adding the Spirit he inserts another point of verification,
the witness of the Holy Spirit.[26]
Once Tertullian made his move more in the direction of the New Prophecy, this
focus of the Spirit’s witness comes to the fore. It is not that this view was
not already present in his earlier works but it is better viewed as an
evolution of thought. This change in view can also be attributed to his
vehement disdain for episcopal pardons for egregious sins. By this, it was
almost a way of separation between a strict episcopal structure to one where
the witness of the Spirit trumps it (in some sense). The true Church is one
that adheres as firmly as it can to Christian discipline because it is a
representation of the body of Christ, and nothing is more holy than that of
Christ.
Evaluation
and Conclusion
The
evidence pinning theological changes in Tertullian on Montanism is scant. This
is not to suggest that there is zero evidence to support such a claim but
rather that his theological shifting can be explained by different and better
means. Montanism (in the beginning) was not a schismatic movement.[27] Initially,
the evidence suggests that Montanism was a movement within the Church.
Tertullian held to sound doctrine (considering his time and place) throughout
much of his life. As he aged, there were apparent changes in his thinking and
theology. The process of growing older typically results in more clear
statements about what one thinks, which could account for many theological
changes in Tertullian’s thought. Even examining Tertullian’s writings, it is
not difficult to see that he considered himself part of the catholic community.
If one could project themselves back in time and tell Tertullian that he was
not part of the Catholic Church, this would have been met with an undoubtedly
confused look and an ensuing argument.
All
things being equal, Montanism probably did have effects (even if minor or maybe
illuminating). In his later works, Tertullian does refer to the Holy Spirit as
Paraclete. This (as noted above) does not indicate significant theological
changes but does point to his probable immersion within that community. If anything
can be said about Tertullian, it is that he was and always will be a staunch
defender of the Church. His use of particular language that was not in vogue
within the community does not indicate he must have been separated. It could
simply be a difference in culture and community. As noted throughout this
discourse, Tertullian had morally high standards when it came to living the
Christian life (Christian holiness). This was not a new teaching, and moral
rigor can be seen throughout the church community, stretching back to Christ
himself. The primary difference is what does moral discipline do for the
believer and why are Christian’s motivated to conduct themselves in such a way.
With the Church being represented as the body of Christ, Tertullian saw this as
a strong motivation to keep it pure. Perfection is the goal, not the demand!
For Tertullian, every step of the Christian is one towards eternity; it is hard-fought
preparation for glory and to stand as one who finished the race.
Due
to the laxity, Tertullian saw within the Church, this was surely a motivational
element that factored into his accepting and promoting the morally rigorous New
Prophecy in town. The focus was centered on Christ and the Holy Spirit. As
noted throughout, the Spirit played a role in Tertullian’s writings but grew
and developed as he aged and met the Montanist movement. One of Tertullian’s
most orthodox-sounding statements about the Trinity can be found in one of his
later writings (Adversus Praxean). Ferguson writes, “Against Praxeas
is more expressly Trinitarian—One God the Father; who sent his Son to be born
of the virgin, to suffer, die, be buried, raised, sitting at the right hand of
the Father, coming to judge all, and the sender of the Holy Spirit the
Paraclete; who is the sanctifier of the faith of those who believe in the
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.”[28]
It appears that Tertullian was faithful to Christ and the Church in doctrine. A
caveat should be added; in his later writings (more near his death), he did
take it upon himself to make attacks against the Church. The motivation for
such conduct could be speculated on but is somewhat outside the purview of this
particular work.
Based on this brief summation of Tertullian’s life and work, it should be clear that he did not participate in a schism within the Church. Heretic is a label that is probably an overstatement of the facts and the situation. Tertullian sought to uphold Scripture, Christ, the Church, the people, sound teaching, and Christian holiness. It would be a disservice to him and history to suggest that he did not faithfully complete those goals. It would be equally wrongheaded to suggest that Tertullian was nothing but a heretic who fell out of Christ’s grace. With all history, things tend to be far more muddled and opaque than most people allow. Judgment of the past should be carefully considered before making any rash claims. Tertullian went through some theological changes, but not all changes were negative. Depending on ones modern theological persuasion, many of his changes can be viewed as positive and more orthodox. Tertullian’s wit and tough standards would not allow changes to be made easily (by Montanism or any other thing). Campenhausen said it best, “As a Montanist Tertullian did not become other than he had always been.”[29] Tertullian sought after truth and defended it as well as anyone. Based on the evidence and personal reflection, the Church should rest easy knowing that Christ was central, and Tertullian must have heard; well done, my good and faithful servant.
Bibliography
Brent, Allen. “Tertullian on the Role of the Bishop.” In
Tertullian and Paul. Edited by Todd D. Still and David E. Wilhite. New
York: Bloomsbury, 2013
Butler, Rex D. The New Prophecy and “New Visions”:Evidence
of Montanism in The Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas. Washington, D.C.:
Catholic University of America Press, 2006
Campenhausen, Hans Von. The Fathers of the Church
Vol II. Peabody: Hendrickson Publishers Inc, 1960
Ferguson, Everett. “Tertullian, Scripture, Rule of
Faith, and Paul.” In Tertullian and Paul, Edited by Todd D. Still and
David E. Wilhite, 24-33. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013
Neufeld, Vernon H. The
Earliest Christian Confessions. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1963
Trevett, Christine. Montanism: Gender, Authority
and the New Prophecy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010
Quasten, Johannes. Patrology
Vol II. Notre Dame: Christian Classics, 1983
Rankin, David. Tertullian
and the Church. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995
Roberts, Alexander and James Donaldson, eds. The
Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol III. Buffalo: Christian Literature Company, 1885
Robert, Alexander and James Donaldson, eds. The
Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol IV. Buffalo: Christian Literature Company, 1885
Wilhite, David E. “The Spirit of Prophecy:
Tertullian’s Pauline Pneumatology.” In Tertullian and Paul, Edited by
Todd D. Still and David E. Wilhite. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013
[1]
Note: orthodox beliefs were in flux during this time and this point is
understood. By stating “orthodoxy,” it is the position of this paper that the
goal is to understand if he would still be considered Christian, as it would
have applied to the context. This is contrasted against those who were declared
heretics among the Fathers (Arius for example).
[2]
Christine Trevett, Montanism: Gender, Authority and the New Prophecy, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2010), chapter 1. The phrase “New Prophecy” is used
throughout her text. It is simply a designation for the first 60 years of the
movement. The typical moniker (Montanism) is used by Trevett for everything
after this fact (stated these guidelines on page 2).
[3]
Johannes Quasten, Patrology Vol II (Notre Dame: Christian Classics,
1983), 246. Note: some of the material in this text has been superseded by
newer research in the field. All references taken from this text, to the best
of this authors intentions, have not been changed by current scholarship.
[4]
Hans Von Campenhausen, The Fathers of the Church Vol II, (Peabody:
Hendrickson Publishers Inc, 1960), 5-6.
[5]
Ibid.
[6]
Everett Ferguson, “Tertullian, Scripture, Rule of Faith, and Paul,” in Tertullian
and Paul, eds. Todd D. Still and David E. Wilhite (New York: Bloomsbury,
2013), 22.
[7]
During research, nothing has been found that would suggest Tertullian would
have viewed the rule of faith as creed, at least in the sense that we use it
today. However, there seems to be an understanding that this rule is a
fundamental, early, and basic component of Christian faith as passed down by
Christ, through the Apostles. With this definition in mind, this would equate
to our modern understanding of the word “creed.”
[8]
Vernon H. Neufeld, The Earliest Christian Confessions (Leiden: E.J.
Brill, 1963), 144-146.
[9]
Ibid.
[10]
Tertullian, De Idololatria; Tertullian, De Ieiunio Adversus Psychicos.
Tertullians references to Christian living can be, in some sense, seen
throughout his writing. However, in these listed works it is the primary focus.
In these writings he can be seen essentially stating that Christian living (or
sinning) can lead to the “devouring of salvation.” This statement seems to
imply the ability to lose salvation. This is why he finds it an incredibly
important feature of Christian faith, holiness.
[11]
David E. Wilhite, “The Spirit of Prophecy: Tertullian’s Pauline Pneumatology,”
in Tertullian and Paul, eds. Todd D. Still and David E. Wilhite (New
York: Bloomsbury, 2013), Ch. 3.
[12]
Ibid. Wilhite notes that Tertullian’s theology is influenced by Paul but in the
language of John. There are further distinctions in the different uses of the
word spiritus but this goes slightly beyond the intended direction of
this paper.
[13]
Ibid.
[14]
Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, eds., The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol
III (Buffalo: Christian Literature Company, 1885), Part 3, Ch. 1 (On Repentance,
Ch 2). This resource lacked pagination. Tertullian is writing here about how
repentance should be viewed. This is a pre-Montanist writing but shows his
position on the matter. The goal here is to compare/ contrast a later writing
in a similar vein to understand any shift in thinking.
[15]
Alexander Robert and James Donaldson, eds., The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol
IV (Buffalo: Christian Literature Company, 1885), Part 4, Ch. 7 (On Modesty, Ch
2). This resource lacks pagination. In this passage, Tertullian is concerned
with the attitude of the church towards sin. In this case, it pertains to an
edict that stated repentance was no longer necessary for adultery and
fornication. Tertullian seems to view this as a direct attack on Christian
holiness, God’s love, and God’s justice.
[16]
“The Works of Tertullian,” last modified May 19, 2021, https://www.tertullian.org/works.htm.
This work was referenced for discovering when Tertullian wrote his different
works. It was used to determine the above referenced works by Tertullian were
pre or post-Montanism.
[17]
Trevett, Montanism, 119.
[18]
Tertullian, De Praescriptione Haereticorum, chapter 36. Translated
version accessed via the ANF work. Tertullian was making a list of how each
church can find a place where the apostles had setup churches and where they
can get their teaching/ authority from.
[19]
Tertullian, Apologeticum, chapter 39. Translated version accessed via
the ANF work.
[20]
Tertullian, De Puditicia, chapter 21. ANF.
[21]
Ibid, 22. ANF.
[22]
Allen Brent, “Tertullian on the Role of the Bishop,” in Tertullian and Paul,
eds. Todd D. Still and David E. Wilhite (New York: Bloomsbury, 2013), Ch.
7. States in a comparative analysis between Cyrpian, Justin the Martyr,
Irenaeus, and Tertullian, that they (except Cyprian) held to a non-sacerdotal
form of church structure. More or less, they held to the universal priesthood
of all believers with one bishop who presided over them in teaching.
[23]
David Rankin, Tertullian and the Church (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1995), 64-65. Rankin points out how these different images point to some
thought in Tertullian. He has separate sections in his book that covers each
image in detail and the potential meaning intended by Tertullian or the
situation in which each image was used.
[24]
Ibid, 73.
[25]
Ibid, 77 and Tertullian, De Pudicitia, 21, 16.
[26]
Ibid, 78-80. Rankin is pointing out that due to the laxity of the Church or how
they have handled certain indulgences, he added the Spirit as part of the
verification process in assessing a true church.
[27]
Rex D. Butler, The New Prophecy and “New Visions”:Evidence of Montanism in
The Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas (Washington, D.C.: Catholic
University of America Press, 2006), 26. Butler states that there is no evidence
of schism in the “early decades of the third century” nor was Tertullian
“estranged totally” from the Catholic Church after his shift to Montanism.
[28]
Ferguson, “Tertullian,” 24. Justification for noting Against Praxeas as being a
Post-Montanist writing comes from https://www.tertullian.org/works.htm.
[29]
Campenhausen, Fathers, 31.
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